From Ronald to Donald

How the Myth of Reagan Became the Cult of Trump

On November 4, 1980, American voters gave Ronald Reagan a forty-one state Electoral College landslide.

The man this mandate carried into the White House was largely compounded of mythology. Like most compelling mythologies, Reagan’s was a synthesis of celebrity as well as multiple emotional, intellectual, and cultural streams.

Throughout his eight years in the oval office, the “Great Communicator” was largely successful in shaping the soul of America to reflect his durable mantra that “government is the problem.” That same American soul later embraced Donald Trump—a president who, the authors argue, would have appalled Reagan.

Reagan’s myth persists, and by understanding his time in office in the context of American history and of the American presidency, we can understand how a transformative president created more than policy by also shaping culture with the instrumental force of mythology.

Edwin G. Oswald

Edwin G. Oswald

Edwin G. Oswald is a partner with the law firm of Orrick, Herrington & Sutcliffe LLP, resident in Washington D.C. He served as an attorney-advisor in the United States Treasury's Office of Tax Legislative Counsel during the Clinton Administration. He is a Fellow of the American College of Tax Counsel and a frequent lecturer on financing State and local infrastructure and the federal taxation of municipal debt. The book is a personal project of Mr. Oswald's and the views and opinions expressed herein are those of the co-authors and do not represent the views and opinions of Orrick.

Why I Wrote From Ronald to Donald

I’m a tax lawyer by trade  and currently a partner at a law firm  in Washington DC.  I also served in the second term of the Clinton Administration  as the attorney-advisor for tax-exempt bonds in the US Treasury’s Office of Chief Legislative Counsel, where I worked on tax policy matters impacting US public infrastructure.  My range of responsibilities included regulatory matters and coordination with IRS and SEC on certain enforcement actions.  I worked regularly on tax legislation with White House staff and economists, House Ways & Means Committee, and the Senate Financing Committee staff. 

Professionally, my interest in Ronald Reagan is filtered through tax policy and the strategic misconceptions of tax policy that are inextricably bound up with the myths of Reagan and Reaganomics.

Personally, however, my interest runs deeper.

My father was a minor league catcher for the Philadelphia Phillies and passed away at the age of forty when I was seven. My two brothers at that time were one and three, so that, in an instant, I became the man of the house. My mother, a registered nurse, never remarried.  Being raised by a single mother, we faced our share of financial challenges.   

As a young man, I held a wide range of jobs, starting with a paper route when I was twelve. That led to mowing lawns, washing dishes in a restaurant, scooping soft-serve at a Carvel ice cream store, and pumping gas—years of that. Money to pursue a college education and perhaps beyond was scarce until my big break. It came in the form of a union job at JFK International Airport. It provided the resources to finance an education and advance my life.  It was also how I “met” Ronald Reagan.

Other than Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Ronald Wilson Reagan was the most consequential president of the last century. The two men were the matter and antimatter of American political-social policy. Where FDR offered the people a New Deal, with the federal government serving as the engine that moved the nation forward, Reagan dismissed government as “the problem.”

Ronald Reagan’s big break would come in November 1980. Mine came earlier that year, in June, when the catering department of British Airways at JFK hired me as a “Port Steward.” My job was to drive a large truck to the airport kitchen, load it with food, drive up to a 747 at the gate, operate a hydraulic scissors lift to raise the cargo compartment three stories to the aircraft’s galley door, and onload meals for more than 400 London-bound passengers and crew. On time, every time, and with very little time.

As a Port Steward and later as a Passenger Service Agent, I was a member of the Machinists Union. As an airline employee, I parked daily in the employee lot and hopped on the yellow school bus that wound its way through the JFK byways to drop workers off at the various terminals. In August 1981, eight months into President Reagan’s first term, as the bus worked its way around the airport, I gazed at the picket line of striking air-traffic controllers who belonged to the PATCO union. Those of us on the bus were overwhelmingly union members and felt solidarity with the strikers. Citing primarily safety concerns, they had walked out in violation of federal labor law, which prohibited them from striking. They had reason to believe that President Reagan would be sympathetic because Candidate Reagan had been supportive of the workers and their union. PATCO reciprocated with an endorsement. But instead of sympathy, the PATCO traffic controllers received an ultimatum: return to work or get fired.

Most of them  were fired. Back then, many air-traffic controllers were ex-military, patriots now banned from future federal employment. The firing sent a shockwave through the union membership at JFK and beyond. There was among us, the union rank and file, a collective sense that the ground has shifted beneath our feet. Under Reagan, unions would have far less power, union workers would be replaced by cheaper part-time non-union labor. Wages and benefits would shrink .

During this time, one evening, a British Air coworker and twenty-year-plus union member asked me if I still was attending college, St. John’s University in New York. 

“Yes,” I said, a little sheepishly.

“Good. Be sure you graduate —because the days of making a living wage for a middle-class lifestyle as a union employee are numbered. We know that now.” 

I remember that conversation to this day. I told him that I planned to take the CPA exam after college graduation and then go to law school.  He assured me that I would need that type of education to survive in the changing American landscape. I took his advice to heart because I was beginning to understand what it meant to be living in Reagan’s America. Some forty years later, we are still living in Reagan’s America, or rather, in the mythic paradigm of the America he, his presidency, and his party created.  I wrote this book so that I could understand that paradigm and share my understanding with others, who now find themselves struggling in a product of that mythology called Trump’s America.

Contact

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